All historical argumentation is probabilistic. This is also to say
that any and all historical hypotheses are subject to revision or dispute.
Hypotheses subject to revision are hypotheses whose probability sufficiently
approaches 1.0 that we can treat them as virtually certain. Such hypotheses
include the hypothesis that Germany invaded Poland in September of 1939, or
that Jesus of Nazareth existed. Such hypotheses are virtually certain not
necessarily because there are no conceivable alternatives, but in many (perhaps most) cases because all
conceivable alternatives are sufficiently improbable that they can be excluded.
Can I conceive of a world in which all the documentary and eyewitness evidence
for Germany’s invasion of Poland in 1939 is falsified and it never took place?
Perhaps. Is that alternative probable? Hardly. Nonetheless, in principle, even the most probable statement is subject to
revision upon the emergence either of new evidence or new insights into old
evidence. The recent resurgence in arguments for Jesus’ historical
non-existence rested entirely upon the argument that there had emerged new
insights into old evidence. The reason that these arguments fail is because
those competent in the matter and fully familiar with the evidence recognized
immediately that these were not new insights at all but almost without
exception insights that had been advanced and rejected the better part of a
century ago. For instance, much of the argumentation rested upon a literally
Victorian-era understanding of the nature of ancient myth-making, which has
long since and properly been abandoned as empirically unsustainable. There is a reason that
one can count on two fingers the number of credentialed New Testament scholars
who subscribe to the hypothesis that Jesus never existed: quite simply,
competent familiarity with the data precludes affirmation of the hypothesis.
Hypotheses subject to dispute are different. These are hypotheses
with which a competent person fully familiar with the evidence can reasonably
disagree. For instance, it is a virtual certainty that Jesus died on a cross
sometime around Passover, between the years 29 and 35. I would argue that among
those years, 30 (the long-time majority opinion) remains the most likely. I can
present a number of arguments in favour of that date. However, I recognize that
a competent person fully familiar with the evidence could reasonably argue for
any other date within that range. As with the case of virtually
certain hypotheses subject to revision, new evidence or fresh insights into old
evidence can alter the probabilities. For instance, the discovery of the Delphi
inscription a century ago has significantly narrowed down the date for Paul’s
meeting with Gallio as attested in Acts 18, such that what was once thought to
have occurred sometime between the late-40s through the early-50s can now more
precisely be said to have occurred sometime between July 1st of 51
and June 31st of 52. This range can now in fact be treated as a virtual
certainty. What remains subject to dispute is when within this range the
meeting took place. For instance, it can be and has been argued that the
meeting is more likely to have taken place very early in that range, on the
grounds that Paul’s opponents very conceivably seized upon the change in
governor in order to gain a hearing for their charges; this is quite plausible,
and yet can hardly be treated as a virtual certainty and is such that a
competent person fully familiar with the evidence could reasonably disagree.
Both the year of the crucifixion and the timing of Paul’s
appearance between Gallio demonstrate that the heuristic distinction between
hypotheses subject to revision and hypotheses subject to dispute allows for
a dynamic understanding of probability. In my own current work—i.e. my
long-percolating study of and obsessive concern with the dates at which the New
Testament texts—hypotheses subject to revision tend to yield relatively large
ranges. It is beyond reasonable dispute that the Gospel of Mark was written
sometime after Jesus’ death and before the first attestation to the gospel’s
existence. This allows for a date anytime from c. 30 to c. 120, the latest
likely time at which Papias writes about Mark’s compositional work. Dates
outside this range are almost certainly non-starters, although the higher end
is more likely subject to revision than the lower as the probability that
Mark’s Gospel was written before Jesus’ death approaches zero (although in
principle one could not rule out the possibility that parts of the text were
written during his lifetime). Early 21st-century scholarship has
tended to favour a date about midway through this range, with c. 65 to 75
probably representing something like a majority opinion, but the salient point
here is that all debates regarding where in the range c. 30 to 120 to situate
Mark’s Gospel have moved from matters of revision to matters of dispute,
because we are now arguing about matters upon which competent persons fully
familiar with the evidence can reasonably disagree. Awareness of this heuristic distinction between hypotheses subject to revision and hypotheses subject to dispute allow us to avoid wasting time and energy either disputing that which is beyond reasonable dispute or seeking virtual certainty when the data does not allow us to do so.
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